In Yemen, CSOs and local authorities lead the charge against COVID-19

On April 10, the World Health Organisation confirmed the first official case of COVID-19 in Yemen, in the port city of Al-Shehr, Hadhramaut governorate. Having only one confirmed case, however, has been of little comfort for Yemenis. The news spread fear across Yemen. The country has almost no capacity to test people, a deficient medical infrastructure depleted by years of conflict and a perennial lack of essentials such as clean water and severe food shortages. In addition to the challenges imposed by life in a fluid conflict zone, other ongoing health crises including a cholera outbreak mean that the health of many Yemenis is already at risk.

In light of the myriad challenges, including the absence of a central state and with governmental or quasi-governmental authorities split between Aden and Sanaa, many Yemenis are wondering how their communities will cope with the pandemic? Based on Yemen’s recent history and ARK’s observations on the ground, the answer is likely to lie in civil society organisations (CSOs) and local authorities. 

Yemen’s recent turbulent history, marked by conflict, internal discord, and corruption, has forced Yemenis increasingly to rely on themselves, their local communities and other non-governmental socio-cultural structures for stability, safety and to meet essential needs. Following unification in 1990, greater democratization resulted in a boom of both free press and civil society activism. Countless independent publications and organisations emerged during this period, offering in many cases more effective services than those provided by the central government.

Today, these local actors form an effective governance eco-system, albeit one that is fragile and greatly dependent on foreign donors. These actors are poised to become the cornerstone of Yemeni communities’ response to the pandemic and speak to the potential for Yemen to rebuild itself once the conflict eventually subsides.

Over the past five years of conflict, Marib and Hadhramaut have emerged as positive examples of effective and organic local governance frameworks. With relative stability and effective self-governance, they are outliers in Yemeni politics. In both cases, local governance has been participatory. A balance between tribal and governmental representation has brought together decision makers who successfully represent the demographic diversity of local populations. Both governorates have been praised by international Yemen experts for their effective administration of public funds, in a context where state revenue is more often distributed amongst a close circle of ruling elites, rather than being used to fund essential public services. 

It is no surprise that both governorates have displayed an efficient and proactive approach to developing effective COVID-19 responses. In Hadhramaut, the governor organized drills to prepare for a lockdown and addressed religious and tribal figures to explain the need for such measures. In Marib, the local authorities cooperate and plan directly with local CSOs to ensure the governate’s response is adequate and inclusive, empowering these organisations and encouraging locals to work with them.

CSOs represent a significant source of support for local authorities can tap into. In fact, for many Yemenis, the term for such organizations, mundhamat, has become practically synonymous with government bodies. According to data from Yemen’s Ministry of Social Affairs and the World Bank, there are nearly 9,000 registered and active CSOs in Yemen, a quarter of which emerged after the Arab uprisings of 2011. Their work has spanned multiple areas, from humanitarian assistance and protection of prisoner rights to the provision of essential services. They have also played a key role in the area of human development and education, providing Yemenis with access to skills, qualifications, and programs that are non-existent or fall well short of international standards. With the threat of COVID-19 now looming over Yemen, the focus of these organisations is shifting towards awareness and prevention efforts.

According to available data, at least fifty percent of the CSOs registered and active in Yemen are led by women. With many men on the frontlines of the conflict, Yemeni women, whether heads of CSOs or simply of their own families, are playing a leading role in the response to the COVID-19 crisis. For instance, on the day the first case was confirmed, nine CSOs (mostly made up of women) sent a letter calling on all parties to end the war and recognise that the pandemic is the greater threat to everyone in Yemen. In a country where 90 percent of men gather daily in crowded places to chew qat, women are telling their husbands and sons to stay inside whilst going themselves to work in factories manufacturing personal protective equipment (PPE). In the streets and across online media platforms, women are leading the call for a ceasefire while raising awareness of the impending health crisis.

The government of Yemen lacks funds and the capacity to rebuild its defunct medical infrastructure. Most Yemenis must travel abroad for adequate care and even for simple medical procedures. Having recently lived through a succession of epidemics, including dengue and cholera, CSOs and women alike know all too well that the burden of caring for Yemen’s sick will fall almost entirely on them.  As Yemen braces for the impact of COVID-19, this culture of effective local governance, which emerged very much out of necessity, could prove decisive in preparing for and mitigating the impact of the pandemic. However, even in those governorates where local authorities and civil society are mobilized, as in Marib and Hadhramaut, external assistance is needed more than ever.